Amelia Bloomer Didn’t Mean to Start a Fashion Revolution, But Her Name Became Synonymous With Trousers

In mid-1800s America, everyone agreed women’s clothing posed a problem. The dictates of modesty called for floor-length dresses, and fashion demanded a full skirt beneath a tiny waist. As a result, middle- and upper-class American women squeezed themselves into corsets and six to eight petticoats to fill out the shape of their skirts. The result weighed up to 15 pounds, placed enormous pressure on their hips, and made movement a struggle.

“Women complained of overheating and impaired breathing, sweeping along filthy streets and tripping over stairs, crushed organs from whalebone stays and laced corsets, and getting caught in factory machinery,” writes historian Annemarie Strassel.

Doctors worried the outfits might cause health problems for pregnant mothers, and the press regularly lampooned the style of the day, with cartoons showing assorted garbage getting caught in women’s sweeping skirts. But what could be done?

An editor of the Seneca County Courier had one idea: maybe women could avoid the discomfort and dangers of their attire by switching to “Turkish pantaloons and a skirt reaching a little below the knee.”

The editorial, written in February 1851 by a man who had previously opposed the women’s suffrage movement and the 1848 Seneca Falls Convention, drew the attention of one feminist. Amelia Bloomer was herself an editor of the first women’s newspaper, The Lily. She used her paper to gently upbraid the Seneca County Courier writer for supporting dress reform, but not women’s rights.

At almost exactly the same time, Bloomer’s neighbor, suffragist Elizabeth Cady Stanton, received a visit from her cousin, Elizabeth Smith Miller—who was wearing the very outfit Bloomer had just been discussing in the press. Alternately called “Turkish trousers” or “pantaloons,” the outfit combined knee-length skirts with loose pants. Stanton exclaimed over the style and made herself up in the same way. Bloomer wasn’t far behind, feeling that it was her duty to do so, as she’d engaged in the question of women’s dress in the media, and announced her decision to her readers in the April 1851 edition of The Lily.

Amelia Jenks Bloomer
Amelia Jenks Bloomer (Science History Images / Alamy Stock Photo)

In no time at all, the new dress seemed to set the entire media world aflame. “I stood amazed at the furor I had unwittingly caused,” Bloomer later wrote. “Some praised and some blamed, some commented, and some ridiculed and condemned.” But what journalists had to say mattered little to Bloomer’s audience. After Bloomer included a print of herself in the reform dress in The Lily, hundreds of letters poured into her office.

“As soon as it became known that I was wearing the new dress, letters came pouring in upon me by hundreds from women all over the country making inquiries about the dress and asking for patterns—showing how ready and anxious women were to throw off the burden of long, heavy skirts,” she wrote. Soon after the dress controversy erupted, The Lily’s circulation rose from 500 per month to 4,000. And with the explosion of interest, Bloomer’s name was soon inextricably tied to the trend, despite her protesting that she wasn’t the originator of the style. Soon adopters of the new look were “Bloomerites” or practitioners of “Bloomerism,” or, more simply, wearing “Bloomers.”

But it wasn’t long before the tide of public opinion turned from bemused comments to vitriolic ones. “[The women] experienced a lot of harassment,” says Amy Kesselman, a scholar in women’s gender and sexuality studies at SUNY New Paltz. “To us, it doesn’t look like a radical thing, but wearing pants was a kind of flag of gender dissent.”

Activist Angelina Grimke expressed her irritation at the level of disapproval, writing, “If the Bloomer costume had come from a Paris milliner it would have been welcomed in Boston, New York and Philadelphia, but as it is the only dress which has ever been adopted from principle, from a desire in woman to fit herself for daily duty—as it is the out-birth of a state of mind which soars above the prevalent idea of the uses of woman, therefore it shocks the taste.”

For several years, the women’s rights activists endured the public censure for the freedom of mobility the new outfit provided. Stanton professed she felt “like a captive set free from his ball and chain” while Bloomer praised the lightness and comfort of the outfit. But as the pressure continued on all sides, suffragists gradually returned to the old style—now made more palatable by the invention of crinoline, a fabric encircled by light wire to create the bell effect that had once only been possible with layers of petticoats.

Statue of Susan B Anthony Amelia Bloomer and Elizabeth Cady Stanton
Bloomer (center) introduced Susan B. Anthony (left) and Elizabeth Cady Stanton (right) in May 1851, as depicted in this sculpture in Seneca Falls, New York. Here, both Bloomer and Stanton are wearing bloomers. (Dennis MacDonald / Alamy Stock Photo)

Bloomer continued wearing the outfit for several more years, as she moved from upstate New York to Ohio in 1853, and then on to Iowa in 1855. Eventually, though, she too returned to the old style of full-length skirts. “We all felt that the dress was drawing attention from what we thought of far greater importance—the question of woman’s right to better education, to a wider field of employment, to better remuneration for her labor, and to the ballot for the protection of her rights,” Bloomer wrote. “In the minds of some people, the short dress and woman’s rights were inseparably connected. With us, the dress was but an incident, and we were not willing to sacrifice greater questions to it.”

While the struggle for dress reform was carried on by smaller groups of women and certain health practitioners, it generally faded away from the stated goals of activists like Bloomer, Stanton and Susan B. Anthony. But the association between pants and women’s rights never quite faded, even to this day, says Salem State University historian Gayle Fischer.

“If you wanted something that’s continued from 1851 and Amelia Bloomer to the present, it would be the response of people to women in trousers,” Fischer says. “And perhaps even more narrowly, the response to women who try to enter the political arena while wearing trousers.” Just look at the number of stories written about Hillary Clinton’s pantsuits. For Fischer, the explanation for this obsession is simple: “We’re still not comfortable with the idea of women having this kind of masculine power.”

But today, at least, most people don’t have any problem with women wearing jeans. And for that, we can thank Bloomer and others like her, who first braved harassment in their search for more comfortable clothes.

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Arts & Culture | Smithsonian

Pretzel Logic: CEO Admits He Didn’t Know What He Was Talking About When He Advocated a $15.00 Minimum Wage

Picture

By Robert Wenzel

Bill Phelps, co-founder and chief executive officer of the California-based Wetzel’s Pretzels franchise, was a prominent advocate for the Golden State’s $ 15 a hour minimum wage for several years, but has recently changed his opinion, reports the Washington Examiner. He now says that the rate — which has only just reached $ 11 — is already squeezing his businesses and hurting workers, and he worries things will likely get worse as minimum wage rises to the $ 15 level.

The CEO in 2016 wrote a pretzel twisted advocacy of a higher minimum wage in an op-ed for Forbes where he said, get this, “I’ve paid very close attention to our business as California has raised the minimum wage over the past couple of years. And what I found was stunning. When California increased the state minimum wage from $ 8 to $ 9 an hour in July 2014, our same-store sales doubled in the next two weeks and stayed that way for six months. When the minimum increased again in January of this year to $ 10, the same thing happened; our same-store growth rate more than doubled.”

But now with the minimum wage at $ 11.00  he says, ” I see a change happening now. I think fast food in general is flat to declining and you’ve got wage increases and the operators are getting squeezed.”

“I was very bullish on the minimum wage increase. It was working really well for us. It was working okay for the fast food industry but there is no question you are going to have to see a reduction in the number of restaurants that are out there. You are going to see a reduction in service. And you are going to see more people going to technology to reduce labor costs,” Phelps said.

“I see it — and everyone else I talk to in the restaurant business sees it — as a huge challenge. It is a total squeeze on the franchisees and I think it is going to result in less jobs, less restaurants and less service. That’s how I see it today,” Phelps said in a phone interview with the  Examiner.

“I see the next wave of increases as these cities and states go from $ 11 to $ 15 as being hugely problematic. And that’s where the issue is,” Phelps said. He said that states such as California would likely see a growing chorus from business to halt the increases. He said he was willing to do some lobbying himself, if necessary. “My concern is that by the time we react it’ll be too late.”

Phelps said that at Wetzel’s, and the entire fast food industry, automation of stores was one avenue that is being strongly looked at.

It is certainly a twist from 2016 when Phelps wrote:

Numbers don’t lie. Increasing the pay of millions of Californians has not increased unemployment.

I understand business owners being concerned about an increase in labor costs. But the new wage will be phased in over six years – reaching $ 15 in January 2022 – giving them time to adjust…

Workers in California and other states are looking forward to consistent pay increases in the future. And I’m looking forward to continued growth for our business.

This article was originally published at EconomicPolicyJournal.com

Ron Paul Liberty Report – Archives

Us all private eyes paid ‘Russians’ a hundred dollars for robbed NSA sources, but got bad ‘Trump secrets’ they actually didn’t wish to?

US spies trying to recover their classified hacking tools have been conned by a man they believed was linked to Russian intelligence, who fed them $ 100,000-worth of ‘gossip’ about Trump, according to the NYT and the Intercept.

The CIA and NSA were engaged in secret negotiations with a “Russian intermediary” last year in a desperate effort to retrieve documents and hacking tools stolen by the mysterious Shadow Brokers collective, Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter James Risen wrote in an article for the Intercept, citing sources familiar with the matter.

The man, who they thought was somehow connected to Russian intelligence services, promised to provide them with the full NSA cache, stolen back in 2016 – and on top of that reportedly offered some explosive revelations that he claimed could shed light on Trump’s alleged collusion with Moscow.

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© Larry Downing

The ‘Russian’ was acting as an middle-man and initially demanded $ 10 million for the trove, but later slashed the price down to $ 1 million, the New York Times said in a separate report on the “secret operation,” citing unnamed American and European intelligence officials.

The spy saga, unravelling somewhere in Germany, dragged for months, during which the NSA even allegedly used its official Twitter account to send coded messages to arrange numerous secret meetings. The ‘Russian’ however handed over only those NSA documents that were already publicly leaked, and either hesitated to share or did not have any additional material. Instead he persistently tried to provide various documents which he said were somehow related to Trump officials and alleged Russian meddling in the 2016 US presidential campaign.

The US spies allegedly did not want to touch any Trump-related material and focused their efforts on trying to return the hacking tools, either for “fear of blowback from Trump” or due to dubious credibility of those files, both reports explicitly emphasized.

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© Monika Skolimowska / Global Look Press

Last September the man received a $ 100,000 tranche, according to the NYT. The Intercept clarified that someone in the US intelligence community apparently vetted the scraps of info they obtained and determined that “while a significant part of it was accurate and verifiable, other parts of the data were impossible to verify and could be controversial,” according to a document seen by the publication. It is unknown which material was deemed accurate or who exactly vetted it. According to the NYT, the Trump-related material turned out to be “stuff of tabloid gossip pages, not intelligence collection.”

The negotiations abruptly ended early this year, after US spies seemingly figured out they wouldn’t be getting anything useful from the man and threatened him to go back to Russia and never return.

The CIA and NSA have not yet comment on the reports of their “secret operation.” According to Risen the Americans are still “uncertain whether the Russians involved are part of a disinformation campaign orchestrated by Moscow, either to discredit Trump or to discredit efforts by American officials investigating Trump’s possible ties to Russia.”

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'Armenian Pizza' Is the Comfort Food You Didn’t Know You Were Missing (Recipe)

The New Yorker in me always feels at home in Armenia, a country where thin-crust pies reign supreme and everyone folds their slice. Folding is the only mess-free way to eat lahmacun (“lah-ma-joon”), the inhalable, hubcap-sized flatbread spread with spiced meat that’s sometimes called Armenian pizza.

Like its Italian counterpart, lahmacun is soul-satisfying desert-island fare, hitting most of the major food groups. Its bubbly, wafer-like crust crackles between your fingers yet remains as soft and bendy as a fresh tortilla. This inevitably droops under the weight of hot, succulent ground meat—usually lamb or beef—laced with spicy Aleppo pepper and enlivened by a flurry of parsley and a squeeze of lemon.  

The whole process, from floured board to screaming-hot oven to warmed plate, takes a mere five minutes—and if you’re hungry, so does eating a whole pie. Call it Armenian fast food.

In Yerevan, where lahmacun varieties abound, everyone has their favorite spot. There’s always a line out the door at Mer Taghe, where purists indulge in a textbook Armenian style of lahmacun combining beef, lamb, tomatoes, parsley and fresh and dried chiles. Perfectly round and highly Instagrammable, it’s no wonder this restaurant off Freedom Square has become a Yerevan institution. Locals who can’t fathom “pizza” without the cheese pulls, on the other hand, find solidarity at Ost Bistro, whose gooey oval pies flaunt an unconventional cap of mozzarella. And then there are the Arabic-inflected lahmacun joints, owned by repatriated Diaspora Armenians born in the Middle East, where pomegranate molasses and secret-recipe baharats get folded into the mix.

One such establishment is Lahmajun Gaidz, a bright, inviting bistro presided over by 29-year-old Gaidzak Jabakhtchurian, an ethnic Armenian born in Aleppo whose family has been selling lahmacun for three generations. He’s one of thousands of Syrian refugees living in Armenia, part of a growing demographic that’s swiftly enriching the country’s Russified cuisine with punchy spices and new techniques. “I have many Armenia-born customers who come to my bakery specifically for the Arab-style lahmacun and za’atar breads,” Jabakhtchurian said. “It’s a huge compliment.”

No one knows for certain whether lahmacun’s roots lie in Armenia, Turkey, or elsewhere in the Middle East. “The race to find where these ancient foods originated is not fruitful territory,” said Naomi Duguid, author of Taste of Persia: A Cook’s Travels Through Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Iran, and Kurdistan, cautioned. After all, meat-enhanced flatbreads are ubiquitous throughout the region (we’re looking at you, Georgian kubdari and Turkish kiymali pide). George Mardikian, the late restaurateur and author of Song of America, wrote that lahmacun was first prepared by the wives of wealthy traders along the Silk Road who cooked the dish over open flames in roadside inns or caravanserais. A far cry from today’s low-budget lahmacun culture, he claims the dish was historically a “food of the elite,” since it called for meat, a luxury the poor couldn’t frequently afford.

According to Barbara Ghazarian, who wrote Simply Armenian, a staple Armenian cookbook, the meat used in the dish goes a long way. One pound of lamb, she explained, makes 12 lahmacun, enough to “feed a small army, Armenian or otherwise.”  That small army is quickly becoming an ever-growing horde of international lahmacun fans. “Lahmacun is a story of culinary assimilation,” Ghazarian said, “of how one dish invented in or around Armenia has won over diners around the globe, from Yerevan to Beirut to Patterson, New Jersey.”

Eager to try your hand at making lahmacun? Use Ghazarian’s fail-safe recipe.

***

Lahmacun Recipe

The Dough:

  • 1 package (¼ ounce) active dry yeast
  • 1 cup warm water (about 105 degrees)
  • 1 tablespoon olive oil, plus additional for greasing bowl and baking sheets
  • ½ teaspoon sugar
  • ¼ teaspoon salt
  • 2¼ cups white bread flour, plus additional for rolling

The Topping:

  • 1 pound ground lamb
  • 1 can (14½ ounces) tomatoes, peeled, diced, and drained well
  • 2 tablespoons tomato paste
  • ½ red bell pepper, finely chopped
  • ½ green bell pepper, finely chopped
  • ½ onion, finely chopped
  • ⅓ cup finely chopped fresh flat-leaf parsley
  • 1 teaspoon salt
  • ½ teaspoon ground black pepper
  • ¼ teaspoon crushed red pepper flakes
  • Pinch of cayenne (optional)
  • Fresh lemon juice

Special Equipment:

  • Tabletop mixer with dough hook (optional)
  • Food processor or blender
  • Heavy rolling pin

1. To prepare the dough, dissolve the yeast in water in the bowl of the tabletop mixer. Stir in the 1 tablespoon olive oil, sugar, salt, and 1½ cups flour. Mix the dough with a dough hook until smooth, about 3 minutes.

Knead in the remaining flour until the dough is smooth and elastic. This will take about 10 minutes by machine, 20 minutes by hand.

2. Shape the dough into a ball and place in a large bowl greased with olive oil. Turn the ball once to coat it completely with oil. Cover with a clean kitchen towel and let stand in a warm place for about 1½ hours, or until doubled in size.

3. While waiting for the dough to rise, combine all of the topping ingredients together in the bowl of a food processor (or blender) and pulse until just smooth. Set aside.

4. When the dough has doubled in size, turn it out onto a floured work surface and punch it down. Knead the dough into the shape of a log. Cut the log into 12 equal pieces. Then roll each piece out into a 7-inch circle.

5. Preheat the oven to 375 degrees.

6. Lightly grease 2 to 4 baking sheets with olive oil. Arrange the circles on the prepared baking sheets. Allow the dough to rest and rise slightly, about 15 minutes. Then, spread the meat mixture evenly over the entire surface of each round.

7. Bake in the middle of the oven for 25 to 30 minutes. Cool the pizzas on a wire rack.

8. Serve warm with a splash of fresh lemon juice for a quick lunch or snack.

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Arts & Culture | Smithsonian

English town tried to ban swearing, but it didn’t f***ing work

A town council that planned to ban swearing in public places has been forced to scrap the plan after a backlash from police and civil liberties groups. In particular, the police said the law would be “unenforceable.”

Rochdale Council in Greater Manchester revealed a proposal earlier this year for a Public Spaces Protection Order (PSPO), which included a ban on begging, revving car and motorbike engines, the presence of charities seeking donors, skateboarding, street drinking, swearing, and *gasp* loitering.

Rochdale Council’s attempt to establish a totalitarian regime is no more, with the borough chucking the anti-swearing rule on the scrap heap after the backlash and a recommendation from police.

Greater Manchester Police (GMP) told the council to drop the foul language ban because it would be difficult to enforce. Officers also said it would be a redundant law, as swearing is already covered by existing legislation.

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© Suzanne Plunkett

When the ban was announced civil liberties group Liberty called the move a “staggering misuse of power.”

“These proposals are a staggering misuse of power which would unjustifiably curb the rights and freedoms of Rochdale residents,” Liberty legal officer Lara ten Caten told the BBC in March.

“The swearing ban is so vaguely defined it would prove impossible for anyone to know whether they were breaking the law or not, while a blanket ban on begging will criminalise some of the most vulnerable people in the town.

“PSPOs are blunt instruments incapable of alleviating hardship or providing support. Sadly they are regularly being used to sweep anything or anyone ‘inconvenient’ from the streets.”

“Until the government opens its eyes to the harm these powers cause, it’s up to our local authorities to act responsibly.”

A curfew on under-18s in the town centre between 11pm to 6am and the “unauthorized distribution of printed material/leaflets” has also been binned.

The rest of the conditions proposed under the PSPO will remain it seems, with Rochdale Borough Council expected to pass the order on Tuesday. If approved, the ban will be introduced in the new year.

If the PSPO makes it through the council, those caught boozing in the town square could incur fines of up to £1,000.

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© Frank Röder

In council documents, Rochdale Borough Council said that those who beg in the town square are “a small number of genuinely homeless individuals, [and] people simply looking to solicit money to fund their lifestyle.”

Documents also said that begging in the town square was associated with “serious organized crime” with ties to “modern day slavery.”

For some, wanting to be rid of beggars is a little more clear-cut, with shoppers intimidated by “a minority of people holding the town centre to ransom.”

Hair salon owner Greg Couzens said he has been labeled “heartless” for supporting the begging ban, but he insists exploitation must cease.

“Help needs to be given to the genuine but there are unfortunately so many people taking advantage of a situation,” he told the BBC.

Council leader Richard Farnell, who quit in early December after he gave explosive evidence to the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse, told the BBC in March that the ban was for the greater good.

“We are clamping down on a small minority of antisocial ne’er-do-wells who drunkenly shout and swear and harangue shoppers in our town centre,” he said.

“The council is spending £250 million transforming Rochdale town centre and we are not going to let a small number of drunken and abusive idiots spoil it for everyone else.”

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“We Didn’t Have to Suffer Like That”: Inside a Texas Prison During Hurricane Harvey

In late August, Hurricane Harvey made landfall on the southeast Texas coast bringing with it extreme winds and dropping more than four feet of rain across Houston and the surrounding area. The catastrophic flooding caused thousands to evacuate, including many state prisoners who were moved to drier and safer facilities elsewhere in the state. But the 3,000 men inside Stiles Unit, a Texas state prison near Beaumont, were forced to ride out the storm. Conditions quickly became unbearable.

“Us inmates knew we were in trouble when breakfast consisting of 2 boiled eggs and a piece of cornbread were delivered to our cells,” David Hartvikson wrote. “With no way of flushing our toilets because of no water the feces and urine built up and the smell was horrible in the cell.”

Hartvikson is 55 years old and serving a 20-year sentence at Stiles for aggravated robbery with a deadly weapon. Several weeks after the storm, he wrote Sloan Rucker, a Texas woman who advocates for better treatment of prison inmates and is his pen pal. Mother Jones obtained the letter and confirmed his identity by checking the Texas Department of Criminal Justice offender database and matching it with a grievance complaint Hartvikson filed to TDCJ in October. Hartvikson describes increasingly desperate circumstances in the prison with inadequate food, overflowing toilets, and a lack of drinkable water.

“We did not have to suffer like that,” he wrote.

Legal experts agree. “The courts have made clear that prisoners are constitutionally entitled to be housed in conditions of reasonable safety,” David Fathi, the director of the ACLU’s National Prison Project says. The conditions Hartvikson allege are anything but reasonable or safe.

The Category 4 storm made landfall in Rockport, a small town on the Gulf Coast on Friday, August 25. The next day, the storm slammed into Beaumont, a city of 118,000 located 85 miles east of Houston.  Four prisons are there—three of them state facilities and one federal—and the town was hit hard by Harvey. Its water pressure system failed leaving residents with little access clean water. They were told to boil their water starting on September 1. The notice was lifted eight days later.

After the storm, the Houston Chronicle reported that Clifton Cloer, another inmate at the Stiles Unit, told his wife that the facility had flooded and that the water was up to his knees. Conditions at the prison began to deteriorate in the pre-dawn hours on Monday, August 28. “The water at the prison was shut off without notice,” Hartvikson writes in his four-page letter, “and the ceilings in our cells started leaking, causing dirty water to pool up on our floors.”

The Texas Department of Criminal Justice denied those reports, saying that the prison had been inspected, and there was no water in any of the state facilities. “I spoke with offenders and given the situation they were in good spirits,” TDCJ spokesman Jason Clark said. But Hartvikson’s allegations echo Cloer’s.

Unable to flush the toilets, the smell quickly became unbearable, he notes, “They left us locked in an 8 by 12 foot cell for several days with feces and urine piling up in our toilets.” Hartvikson alleges that the prison did not provide enough portable toilets; he says only two were provided for his cell block of 450 people.

“Why weren’t arrangements for food, water, toilets, and things of that nature made for the inmates in the days leading up to the storm?” Hartvikson writes.

Supplies dwindled throughout the week. Hartvikson says he and his fellow inmates were only given four bottles of water, or 48 ounces of water, between August 27 and August 31—the Mayo Clinic suggests that men require at least 124 ounces of fluid a day. Hartvikson also says their meals shrunk drastically. “Some of are [sic] meals during that time were just 1 peanut butter sandwich.”

Jason Clark, a spokesman for TDCJ, refutes the claims that conditions were poor during Hurricane Harvey. “I visited all 3 state facilities in Beaumont during the storm and the allegations are not accurate,” he said in a statement to Mother Jones. Clark says that in addition to thousands of gallon water tankers on-site, 270,000 water bottles were delivered and “offenders had access to food, water, and toilets.”

By Tuesday, August 29, nearly 6,000 inmates from five other Texas state prisons had been evacuated, including three prisons that had been evacuated in May and June, when the Brazos River flooded after heavy rainfall. Inmates finally returned to their facilities after two weeks.

This isn’t the first time incarcerated people in Texas have alleged dismal conditions during hurricanes. In 2008, as Hurricane Ike barreled towards Galveston, the county jail decided not to evacuate the 1,000 people being held at the facility. The city’s mayor had issued an mandatory evacuation and the National Weather Service warned that anyone who stayed behind was facing “certain death.” During the storm, detainees said they could hear air conditioning units banging against the building. Water seeped into their sleeping quarters and caused ceiling tiles to fall off. Once the storm passed, detainees and inmates dealt with a dire sanitation situation and a food and water shortage. Four days after the storm, officials from the Texas Commission on Jail Standards visited the facility and determined that conditions were satisfactory.

“Prisons and jails need to have contingency plans for these kinds of emergencies,” Fathi says, “including workable evacuation plans.”

During Harvey, the flooding was so widespread that many correctional officers were either stuck at work or unable to make the commute. “If you look at any of the maps from the flooding,” Lance Lowry, the head of the Texas prison guard union told Democracy Now, “you can clearly see that the roadways going in and out of the majority of the facilities were severely flooded.” Not only were some inmates not evacuated, many prisons were dealing with staffing shortages which can be dangerous.

From Hartvikson’s perspective, staffers at the prison were well taken care of during the storm. “Arrangements were made for all staff and guards, but nothing for the inmates,” he said. He believes the storm points to a bigger problem:”Once again we inmates our [sic] no better then [sic] hogs in the eyes of the TDCJ staff.”

Crime and Justice – Mother Jones